Earlier this week prominent Bangladeshi opposition politician Salahuddin Quader Chowdhury lost his appeal at the Bangladesh Supreme Court against the death penalty for convictions by the country's International Crimes Tribunals ( ICT). He has been in government detention since 2011, and the international press has detailed the torture he experienced at the hands and instruments of the British trained Rapid Action Battalion.
Hailing from a political family based in the port city of Chittagong, known as Islamabad in Mughal times, Chowdhury has served as an MP on 7 separate occasions and was a close adviser to the former BNP Prime Minister Khaleda Zia during her last stint in office. He was in his early twenties during the 1971 war year and according to his witnesses who made it through the tribunal's clumsy rigging, had been in West Pakistan for the duration of the period of the crimes for which he was convicted. The problem is that the Tribunal and the Supreme Court, with their characteristically warped view of the world, has refused to acknowledge his absence from the scene, as corroborated by many of his peers.
Given the maddening BS that we have been expected to swallow regarding people in 1971, BS thats resulted in the judicial murders of Abdul Quader Mollah and Muhammad Kamarazzaman, I think its high time to review the horror stories woven around Salahuddin Quader Choudhury in 1971 and unearth greater truths buried in the rubble of the Bangladesh Motanarrative.
A Roundly Criticised Show Trial
For years before the current Awami League regime came into power on the back of a diplomatic coup, I never thought that fair investigations, trials and resolutions would be possible. I felt that it was just an game of political emotional blackmail on account of the national liberation mythology. It is a real pity that such a lot of lives, reputations and human horsepower have been dissipated to produce such injustice, but it goes with the territory and didn't have to be inevitable, we(pl) made it this way.
Criticisms of the conduct and integrity of the tribunals have been made by many of humble and of privileged backgrounds. For example there is the independent review by Geoffrey Robertson QC , the Economist of London's coverage of the chairing judge's collusion with a partisan activist and Bangladesh's favourite son-in-law David Bergman long archive of the tribunal's proceedings. Just a fortnight after he was given his original death penalty, an Early Day Motion was tabled in the UK Parliament highlighting the lack of due process in his trial and that of the late Abdul Quader Mollah, who was executed a few months later. It was signed by 32 MPs including people like Jeremy Corybn, Peter Bottomley, Diane Abbot and Michael Meacher.
A distinct political lineage to Year Zero 71sterism
SQC, or SaKa as he is alternatively known, is one of Bangladeshi society's intriguing characters. He represents a genealogy of politics that predates the rise of the Awami League and has never really been scared to give them the finger. His symbolic capital and privilege are independent of Liberation 1971 events and the rise of Bengali Nationalism. That is not to say he is an angelic figure, he still commands immense power over his political enemies from behind a cell.
As a London resident with a Bangladesh facing eye or two, I remember his amazing political insults and his unsuccesful bid during the BNP-JI regime for Secretary General of the OIC, which was viscerally resisted by the Awami League, and deludedly promoted by the BNP at the time. In retrospect it is good that Prof Ehsanoglu won that election, as the pro Islam and pro Muslim Ummah social and intellectual currents in Turkey were and still are in a better place than in Bangladesh.
What I am becoming more interested in is the condemned man's father, Fazlul Quader Chowdhury. The political orphans of Bangladesh, need to take as many of these political bypass figures closer to our hearts for the sake of past mistakes and wider possibilities of the future
He was a political stalwart for 3 decades through more interesting times, who didn't switch allegiance to the Bangladesh cause and died in prison in 1973 under dubious circumstances. There is a slightly hagiographic website about him here.
He was elected General Secretary of the All-India Muslim Students Federation in 1939, and was with Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose, just before he left for that important mission to rid India of it's colonial yolk during (Colonial) World War 2. Netaji was to offer to relieve the Bengal Famine with food aid from Myanmar, an offer which was refused by the British colonial authority, who censored it. A war crime by any standards.
Interestingly, in 1942 when Fazlul Quader was arrested, one Mujibur Rahman, a rising Bengal Muslim Student League leader, organised a student strike in solidarity with him. Decades later it is said that Fazlul Quader, by then an established trade union and political leader, was to reject Mujibur Rahman's offer of his daughter Hasina's hand in marriage to his son Salahuddin.
I would like to invite people to flesh out this proposal story, because it lends extra humour to some of Salahudin's comments over the years, helps us to understand Hasina's insecurity and more importantly, reminds us that the political elite and cosmology that Bengali Nationalism and its kitsch culture machine has inflicted on us is not the End of History.
There were and there are much more expansive and nobler horizons.
What is to be done?
We do not know how this is going to pan out, but we should speak out against the injustice being dealt to SQC on a matter of principle, not to mention support the family and other people in such predicaments. We know how institutions in desh act with impunity and seek to destroy any who challenge their control and controllers. We also know how their family, NGO business and ideological networks assist them to tell the stories they want people to know about Bangladesh, and to be heard.
In this light, simply pointing out more accurate and reliable histories and principles of justice is where we should start.
Showing posts with label ummah. Show all posts
Showing posts with label ummah. Show all posts
1.8.15
14.8.13
26.7.13
6.8.12
National Zakat Foundation: Establishing Zakat provision for the needy in the UK
The National Zakat Foundation (NZF) is a startlingly obvious project that nobody seems to have gotten around to so far, but around which considerable talent is organising. Last month, I spoke with Iqbal Nasim of the NZF, who had been quietly working on the project for 6 months prior to rolling out the public engagement and champion programme.
Iqbal is a Cambridge grad in his mid 20s who worked as a stockbroker before joining Mercy Mission (the NZF’s parent organisation) last year. I first met him on a trip to the World Islamic Economic Forum in Kuwait during 2008, a rather obese affair to which Tony Blair was invited to advise the Muslim national corporati. In 5 star hotels we were wastefully catered for and patronised with talks of food crises, enough said really, other than the challenge of substance over style for our generation.
Mercy Mission which was founded by Shaykh Dr Tawfique Chowdhury in Australia extends globally and is relatively new to the UK. It describes itself as a community empowerment organisation and has built a strong reputation and volunteer base through its activities in Islamic education provision via the Al Kauthar Institute. With NZF and a philosophy of unpretentious practical partnership working, they are providing one of the more real examples of Muslim mobilisation in the UK.
The provision of Zakat for Muslims in the UK has generally been thought of as a lesser priority when compared with causes more established in the Musalmind. Many of our ancestral lands are very much still needy places. They suffer everyday violence, inept and corrupt government, structural injustices of neoliberal capitalism, developmentia, war and environmental calamity. Directing our Zakat solely their way, or towards vivid flashpoints in the ummah heartlands seemed a no brainer until relatively recently.
The Quran, His Divine Speech, continually calls us to the virtues and beauty of establishing Salah and Zakat. For reference, the eight categories of persons eligible for Zakat are detailed in Surah Taubah, Ayah 60. Zakat is the poor’s due. We do not get to slap ourselves on the back for paying it as it is not even ours. In spite of state welfare provision, which we observe the withdrawal off, there is a significant body of people in need in the UK. This ranges from newcomers who have fallen between the cracks of an increasingly shrill immigration system, to new Muslims often young and female vulnerable to exclusion.
The NZF’s bread and butter, as Iqbal puts it, is dealing with applications from people seeking Zakat assistance on a case by case basis. By analysing applicant forms submitted on their website the team make a raw financial assessment of the application and proceed from there.
“It’s not just financial,” Iqbal continues, “everybody who has a financial problem, doesn’t just have a financial problem.” This directness is significant, we are all too familiar with bureaucratic workings of organisations with narrow boxes, remits and agendas. That an organisation is this open minded and approachable to the needy is an example to us all.
In addition, the NZF is working with St Mungo’s, a homeless people’s charity, to establish refuges for Muslim women suffering domestic violence in London, Birmingham and Manchester. It is heartening to see this group neither denying nor exploiting the uglier face of our malaise, but addressing its impacts by providing solid Ummahstructure.
Against a backdrop of PREVENT funded, posture organisations vying for the policy limelight, of corporate charities with overseas focus and exploitative public relations practices, and a rapidly shrinking welfare state, the UK Muslim Millet is broadly welcoming this initiative. A few weeks ago I bumped into some city workers I had not seen in a while. Not only had they bought fully in to the NZF idea, they were speculating as to the amount of unpaid Zakat simply floating around Canary Wharf and how it might be liberated. There is growing support from scholars and community institutions for this. We pray for the protection, success, integrity and longevity of this project.
It is worth dwelling for a moment on a growing problem in the Muslim third sector, that it has begun to adopt much of the language and PR imprint of the development industry. This superficial industry tends to make dramatic, heroic claims and portray its victims in a disempowering light. It exploits human emotion, distracts from the causes of our problems and is difficult to argue against as it wears the cloak of virtue and charity. It could even be called “poverty pornography”. We need not make this mistake; resemblances to such infantilising PR schemes are not an inevitable short term consequence of ‘reaching out’ to the wider community. It is not beyond the wit of Muslims to establish and respond to a language which is reflective, grounded and soulful. ‘Poverty alleviation’ is not it.
Cultivating discerning support is a strategic asset; perhaps the NZF might see it this way as it develops its participant base further outside Muslim youth. The Zakatable community does not have the same social view as the audience of the Badman videos on YouTube. It comprises a mixed population of savvy, world weary professionals, business people and workers in all sectors, who would not mind being treated as adults.
By altering the reach of Zakat NZF has embarked on leading work, complementing our current overseas Zakat relations with a much needed contract to the needy closer to hand.
As we parted company, I suggested that we institute Khums, the Shi‘i practice of giving 20% of one’s earnings into the communal cause. Iqbal smiled, “Let’s start with 2.5% Zakat and see where that gets us”.
For a whole host of tools, from Zakat calculators to educational aids do visit www.nzf.org.uk
UPDATE (8/8/12)
Sorry to say that the relationship between the NZF and the dubious #STOPKONY2012esque #savemaryam campaign (also from Mercy Mission) needs probing. This immense imitative bumwave, alarmist and insulting of Indonesian Islamic culture undermines the credibility of what the NZF is committed to doing. 'Diasporas' mustnt be colonial.
UPDATE (8/8/12)
Sorry to say that the relationship between the NZF and the dubious #STOPKONY2012esque #savemaryam campaign (also from Mercy Mission) needs probing. This immense imitative bumwave, alarmist and insulting of Indonesian Islamic culture undermines the credibility of what the NZF is committed to doing. 'Diasporas' mustnt be colonial.
4.8.12
Mid Ramadhan Movements at home and abroad
It is half way through Ramadhan, the moon has fattened up.
The Bangladesh Government is stopping groups from assisting Rohingyas it deems terrorist/ extremist, in line with that authority on mercy and humanity, the Myanmarese Buddhist Monk-Government complex. I understand that the Ansar approach is our starting point, and that the Awami League, who created Bangladesh largely with Indian Assistance and Refuge have turned the country into a porch of Developmentishire and beggardom.We know from the video below that all Bangladeshis aren't such arseholes.
To donate, the Turkish IHH is getting through, the Government of Bangladesh probably wouldn't dare close down its operations. However the political solution mustn't be sidelined and the debate must find its ovaries. We must pour scorn on the mean minded awami-think that has produced such a shameless approach to those fleeing despicable conditions.
On the Olympic front, The Brotherhood of neoliberal Muslims continues to suckle on the teat of its Olympic credibility cow, with FOSIS recently joining the fray with "Olympic Iftar" and the MCB leadership backing the ISBs Ramadhan Disasterval 'Inspired by London 2012'. Its dawa, mainstreaming and good apparently.
Meanwhile, last week, as many enjoyed Danny Boyle's Showcialist Opening Ceremony that completely airbrushed out British imperial legacy but gave the nearleft a warm glow inside, scores of cyclists on a regular city ride with the #CriticalMass group were being kettled, arrested and bundled away outside the stadium. For cycling.
In the next video we see a poetic Muslim articulating his need for iftar being denied by the police and arrested. Allahumma accept his roza and those of all your servants with a taste for justice.
The Bangladesh Government is stopping groups from assisting Rohingyas it deems terrorist/ extremist, in line with that authority on mercy and humanity, the Myanmarese Buddhist Monk-Government complex. I understand that the Ansar approach is our starting point, and that the Awami League, who created Bangladesh largely with Indian Assistance and Refuge have turned the country into a porch of Developmentishire and beggardom.We know from the video below that all Bangladeshis aren't such arseholes.
On the Olympic front, The Brotherhood of neoliberal Muslims continues to suckle on the teat of its Olympic credibility cow, with FOSIS recently joining the fray with "Olympic Iftar" and the MCB leadership backing the ISBs Ramadhan Disasterval 'Inspired by London 2012'. Its dawa, mainstreaming and good apparently.
Meanwhile, last week, as many enjoyed Danny Boyle's Showcialist Opening Ceremony that completely airbrushed out British imperial legacy but gave the nearleft a warm glow inside, scores of cyclists on a regular city ride with the #CriticalMass group were being kettled, arrested and bundled away outside the stadium. For cycling.
In the next video we see a poetic Muslim articulating his need for iftar being denied by the police and arrested. Allahumma accept his roza and those of all your servants with a taste for justice.
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4.6.12
Seven days till the MCB AGM: bovered?
As the Annual General Meeting of the Muslim Council of Britain (largest umbrella group of Muslim organisations in the UK) approaches next week, it is worth cultivating conversations so that we are better informed on the day. For there will be no campaign trail, nor will their be manifestos, nor corporate patronage. There will be the conversations that we have had, that might, or might not cascade into said proceedings.
Firstly, I think we need to finesse our way of looking at the Ummah and the MCB, and their ecology. Seeing things for what they are, rather than what they say on the tin can save a lot of hassle. The Ummah is a constellation of people, families, situations, relationships and ideas that operate with varying degrees of harmony. The MCB is structured more like a tree diagram, which sees itself governing, representing and being governed. The technocratic tree diagram logic forces bureaucratic ways of being Muslim, which are hard to keep going with a straight face as nowadays, with terrorism capital and money to play for, there is a growing inducement for Muslim organisations to work that way, but better.
Its also important to respect and recognised why a lot of people do not officially affiliate to the MCB and probably never will, because of historical stuff.
Secondly, there is the problem of orientation. Which way to face? Towards white power or towards the communities? Amazingly, there are many who hold a candle for government, even after all they have done to destroy the MCB and subvert our political wills and insert their own agendas onto our organisations. When you feel that you have a lot at stake to protect from govt violence/law, one tends to contract developmentia and (con)descend to bleadership and misleadership.
Thirdly, responsiveness and agility. The rules of the MCB AGM are tuned to inhibit takeover from strange organisations who like to set up loads of fronts and over-influence priority setting. These rules annoy folks from outside and inside the Mussalmass.
Case in point, two years ago at the last election, the normally sympathetic Madeline Bunting decided to write in the London Guardian how the result of the election was pre-decided, which wasn't very nice. However, her declared winner seemed to match the decision that was collectively taken over the course of the day by the risk-averse central working committee elected by the hundreds of affiliates on that day. The Tory Muslim contender (the only opposition) didn't even make it into the Central Working Committee. (probably because nobody knew/trusted him, these things take time, but i think it was because he was a tory and sounded scary)
The MCB is not a cultish love-in, its got a bit of everyone in there and its a site for cultivating an episteamology, meaning a cooperative culture of knowing. Its not like being in a well greased coherent movement with leadership, discipline texts and tightness nor in a random group of people praying in all different direction, with no structure, brotherhood and meaning, not amorphous or crystalline, more poly crystalline.
Its like being in perpetual Coalition, which can drive you nuts. From Ismaili to Sunni, Welsh Pakistani to London Bangladeshi, African to Anglo. And some Arabs. The interesting people do interesting things, medics do the healthy thing, the press releasers do their pressing thing (bless), the leader makers to the leader maker thing, the finance people to the bismillah thing, the lovers of mosque histories do mosque histories, and the Islamic workers work in the space that's created for them for little but the sake of His Pleasure. The trick to not going mad it to realise the diverse capabilities, tastes and motivations for constituent elements of the ummahtic ecology who are in the MCB space. And its getting less London centric now too.
Clear as mud?
Let us see: growing recognition of the ecology of the Muslims here, a community-facing orientation and an agility trained into the MCB.
In terms of content:
On the 3rd July we celebrate, learn and appreciate Algeria's Independance. Will the august Council share the good news?
Firstly, I think we need to finesse our way of looking at the Ummah and the MCB, and their ecology. Seeing things for what they are, rather than what they say on the tin can save a lot of hassle. The Ummah is a constellation of people, families, situations, relationships and ideas that operate with varying degrees of harmony. The MCB is structured more like a tree diagram, which sees itself governing, representing and being governed. The technocratic tree diagram logic forces bureaucratic ways of being Muslim, which are hard to keep going with a straight face as nowadays, with terrorism capital and money to play for, there is a growing inducement for Muslim organisations to work that way, but better.
Its also important to respect and recognised why a lot of people do not officially affiliate to the MCB and probably never will, because of historical stuff.
Secondly, there is the problem of orientation. Which way to face? Towards white power or towards the communities? Amazingly, there are many who hold a candle for government, even after all they have done to destroy the MCB and subvert our political wills and insert their own agendas onto our organisations. When you feel that you have a lot at stake to protect from govt violence/law, one tends to contract developmentia and (con)descend to bleadership and misleadership.
Thirdly, responsiveness and agility. The rules of the MCB AGM are tuned to inhibit takeover from strange organisations who like to set up loads of fronts and over-influence priority setting. These rules annoy folks from outside and inside the Mussalmass.
Case in point, two years ago at the last election, the normally sympathetic Madeline Bunting decided to write in the London Guardian how the result of the election was pre-decided, which wasn't very nice. However, her declared winner seemed to match the decision that was collectively taken over the course of the day by the risk-averse central working committee elected by the hundreds of affiliates on that day. The Tory Muslim contender (the only opposition) didn't even make it into the Central Working Committee. (probably because nobody knew/trusted him, these things take time, but i think it was because he was a tory and sounded scary)
The MCB is not a cultish love-in, its got a bit of everyone in there and its a site for cultivating an episteamology, meaning a cooperative culture of knowing. Its not like being in a well greased coherent movement with leadership, discipline texts and tightness nor in a random group of people praying in all different direction, with no structure, brotherhood and meaning, not amorphous or crystalline, more poly crystalline.
Its like being in perpetual Coalition, which can drive you nuts. From Ismaili to Sunni, Welsh Pakistani to London Bangladeshi, African to Anglo. And some Arabs. The interesting people do interesting things, medics do the healthy thing, the press releasers do their pressing thing (bless), the leader makers to the leader maker thing, the finance people to the bismillah thing, the lovers of mosque histories do mosque histories, and the Islamic workers work in the space that's created for them for little but the sake of His Pleasure. The trick to not going mad it to realise the diverse capabilities, tastes and motivations for constituent elements of the ummahtic ecology who are in the MCB space. And its getting less London centric now too.
Clear as mud?
Let us see: growing recognition of the ecology of the Muslims here, a community-facing orientation and an agility trained into the MCB.
In terms of content:
- Access to quality Islamic instruction for all
- Legal and political backup for endangered (Talha, Babar et al)
- Reform of 'halal' industries
- Tawhesion
- Deimperialisation
- Deconsumerisation
On the 3rd July we celebrate, learn and appreciate Algeria's Independance. Will the august Council share the good news?
24.9.11
On Prevent: What to do
Seems to me that resistance to this campaign particular campaign by the British Government to produce docile Muslim subjects is growing and needs to be both broadened and deepened. I suspect its intimately tied with the discovery, creation and exercise of ummahtic mojo.
Here's what folks can do.
Here's what folks can do.
- Read this dossier on PREVENT
- Highlight the experiences and ordeals of those at the bum end of the Project to Produce Docile Muslims
- Sharpen awareness of whats going on around us in legislation, institutional policies and everyday life
- Convey the experiences of those who have previously engaged with this shit
- Encourage radical forms of expression, action and imagination
- Delegitimate engagement and engagers
- Lampoon and spit upon ideological foundations of the project
- Reward creative - disengagement with social dignity
- Share best resistance practice
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24.8.11
Remember the Garden, for the sake of Allah
Is the title of a talk delivered by the late Haji Ayman Ahwal last year,
Sadly (for us) he passed on from this world last week and was buried in Birmingham, where he spent the last 7-8 years amongst a community he loved a lot and which clearly loved him greatly.
His upriverproject blog contains a rich presentation of the struggle to protect forest and life in Aceh.
Closer to home, but with exactly the same ethic, the Clean Madina project (below) was an amazing intervention, Jihad on Litter in Brumistan!
Sadly (for us) he passed on from this world last week and was buried in Birmingham, where he spent the last 7-8 years amongst a community he loved a lot and which clearly loved him greatly.
His upriverproject blog contains a rich presentation of the struggle to protect forest and life in Aceh.
Closer to home, but with exactly the same ethic, the Clean Madina project (below) was an amazing intervention, Jihad on Litter in Brumistan!
1.6.11
Colonial fields around white converts
The powerful and political institutions of whiteness, which move through us all to a hopefully diminishing extent, must be scrutinised, resisted and superseded. What better situation to think this through with than in the deployment of whiteness in religious activity?
It is apparent that many brown people would prefer a white convert Muslim to teach them their religion, or to speak on their behalf, or even script the language around what they mobilise.
I'm not arguing for quotas for converts or decolonial-diversity mosque subcommittees, but for a more judicious consideration of racial and class politics in the Millat, because it buggers up the animation of ummahtic mojo.
See also: I've lost a lot of good friends to Dubai (c)
This colonial convert field has expanded as more organisations deploy whiteness as an attempt to buffer and to complicate things for their adversaries, both inside the muslim envelope and externally.
Its demonstrating itself to be a self defeating dawah/pr tactic and we are reaping the whirlwind as we speak. I do not think this is doing justice to anyone in the scenario, not least the collective intelligence and sensemaking capacity of the Millat.
Micheal Muhammad Knight's books relay what I suppose must be his experiences of white privilege in the brown millat in the US. Its really quite vivid and sexual. Eventually somebody from soas will write a book on this.
It is an important research topic i think you'll agree.
It is apparent that many brown people would prefer a white convert Muslim to teach them their religion, or to speak on their behalf, or even script the language around what they mobilise.
- What's the salafi fascination with Abdul Hakim Green?
- Whats with ISB's infantile obsession with appearing white at every given opportunity?
- Does anybody else feel perterbed by the insidious and creeping emelisation?
- HOW THE HELL has it come to the point where people are selling 'traditional islam' back to consumerised asians in the UK? Its like the selling sand to the arabs cliche. Ooops.
- How can groups like British Muslims for Secular Democracy even exist?
I'm not arguing for quotas for converts or decolonial-diversity mosque subcommittees, but for a more judicious consideration of racial and class politics in the Millat, because it buggers up the animation of ummahtic mojo.
See also: I've lost a lot of good friends to Dubai (c)
This colonial convert field has expanded as more organisations deploy whiteness as an attempt to buffer and to complicate things for their adversaries, both inside the muslim envelope and externally.
Its demonstrating itself to be a self defeating dawah/pr tactic and we are reaping the whirlwind as we speak. I do not think this is doing justice to anyone in the scenario, not least the collective intelligence and sensemaking capacity of the Millat.
Micheal Muhammad Knight's books relay what I suppose must be his experiences of white privilege in the brown millat in the US. Its really quite vivid and sexual. Eventually somebody from soas will write a book on this.
It is an important research topic i think you'll agree.
16.3.11
Duas for Benghazi and the Ansar
I am fearful for the resistance in Libya, that their autonomy maybe too temporary. They may will be overwhelmed by Qaddafi's forces, a particularly nasty branch of which is SAS trained. Its hard to get any fine grained knowledge on the matter. Bahrain too. I pray that the Noble Ansar and Mujahidin are finding ways of doing their thing, on all planes and fronts, with light and metal and that the notorious Khamis brigade becomes inoperable as its members and leaders shoot bent, stand up and cross over.
For those of us on the sidelines Sandala have circulated a recording of this dua, follow its words on the pdf whilst listening.
The Prayer of the Oppressed (mp3 audio)
For those of us on the sidelines Sandala have circulated a recording of this dua, follow its words on the pdf whilst listening.
The Prayer of the Oppressed (mp3 audio)
18.1.11
Tunisia Developments : FT interview with Shayk Ghanouchi
Interview transcript: Rachid Ghannouchi
Published: January 18 2011 11:47
Last updated: January 18 2011 11:47
The Financial Times interviewed Rachid Ghannouchi, exiled leader of Tunisia’s Nahda party, in London. The interview was conducted on Sunday evening, just before a new unity government was announced in Tunis.
FT: A government is about to be formed in Tunisia following the fall of Zein al-Abidine Ben Ali. It includes parties that are there, on the ground, and you are not there. How is Nahda going to find a way to be involved on the ground?
RG: The government that is to be announced tomorrow is a continuation of the 7 November era. This is not a rupture with that era. The revolution wanted a rupture with that era. The revolution was against a dictator and the era of 7 November. But the faces we see are the same faces of the old regime with some new faces from the official opposition.
FT: How would you describe this current stage? Is it just the beginning of the end of the Ben Ali era or do you feel that perhaps the revolution is not yet completed?
RG: There are many contradictory wills within this government. Perhaps some of those participating in this process such as Najib Chebbi (opposition leader) believe that this is the path for moving from the dictatorship to a democracy. Some of the others, the ruling party and the domestic opposition see democracy as just a facade for the dictatorial system and indeed an attempt to contain the revolution.
FT: This is all new for Tunisians, the end of the Ben Ali era. How can you make a very strong break today from the system, when there is nothing to replace it? Don’t you need this type of transition period?
RG: Basing the transition on the (current) constitution to build a democratic system is a futile attempt to build democracy from dictatorship because only God can bring out life from death. We cannot bring out a democratic system out of this corrupt, dictatorial system. We have to put an end to the authoritarian system and start a new one. Basing this transition on Article 56 or 57 is a continuation of the old system. The constitution was a tyranny, the state was reduced to one man, who had in his hands the executive, judicial and legislative powers and was not accountable to anyone. How can such a constitution point towards building a democratic system, even as a starting point.
The first step of building a democratic system is to build a democratic constitution. For this we need a founding council for rebuilding the state, one in which political parties, the trade unions and the civil society join. This council will rebuild the democratic constitution and will be the basis for building the democratic system.
FT: But who will decide who takes part? Ben Ali controlled so much as you know but now that he’s gone, political parties that are there are very weak, trade unions are weak, who will bring people together?
RG: Who made this revolution? It is the people who made this revolution.This revolution was not made by an angry, out-of-control mob. There are 250, 000 university graduates who are in fact the basis for this revolution. It is not angry, uneducated people. They were the base of this revolution with their creative ways of using the internet and other media. As to the trade unions, it’s true that their leadership has been subservient (to the regime) but the regional union headquarters were the centre of the protests and they led the revolution.
The lawyers also led the main protest marches and these are important bodies which were later joined by the opposition towards the end. There are still important civil society institutions, lawyers, trade unions, political parties, the representative bodies of unemployed graduates and it is them who (could potentially) support the constitutional council. What we see is that they are not present in this (current) transition.
FT: Are you in contact with the other leaders in the opposition? Have you been consulting with them?
RG: We as a member of the October 18 movement which we founded in 2005 and it brings together parties and civil society institutions, including Nejib Chebbi from the Progressive Democratic Party, the Tunisian Communist Workers Party, and the Conference for the Republic and other human rights organisations. This was founded in 2005 for one simple demand: to call for freedom of expression and association for everyone and for recognising the rights of all parties.
Later when we developed this coalition, to elaborate this joint intellectual basis we produced several papers which all members of this movement agree on and embrace. The first was a paper on philosophical pluralism. There is no limit to pluralism except not embracing violence, and giving the rights to anyone to found the party.
The second was the rights of women because the government used to always say to frighten people away that (the Islamists) will take away the rights of women. Then we had to reassure others in this coalition who were being accused of working with the Islamists. And we all recognise, we accept the personal status code and will not cancel it or refuse it. Indeed we had expressed this since 1988 on 17 July where I made a statement in which I recognised the personal status code.
Another paper was on the freedom of conscience, to address the allegations that Islamists will be using the punishment for apostasy and will kill people for what they believe. The paper recognised that Tunisians have the freedom to believe in anything, to leave or embrace any faith, as faith is a personal matter. On the basis of these papers the coalition moved from no longer being a short-term political coalition, but a social project for society.
For the Tunisia that we are working for, one in which women enjoy equality, people can establish and join any party and they have the freedom to believe any faith.
FT: Have you been talking to some of the leaders over the past two days? Is there any coordination?
RG: Yes we are in communication with members of this coalition…. However with the recent developments in the county, differences have appeared between members of the coalition, in their evaluation of the situation. In that Nejib Chebbi two days before the fall of Ben Ali met with the former prime minister, who is indeed has been currently re-installed as the interim prime minister. This was Ben Ali’s last trick to try to remain in power, to call for forming a national unity government. So indeed what we see now, this national unity government, was planned by Ben Ali. Chebbi agreed to meet the Prime Minister, (others) rejected this.
FT: What is the representation of Nahda today in Tunisia? It was a long time ago that you were there...do you think people are still attached to Nahda?
RG: Only elections can reveal that. In the West the popularity of a party is judged through elections – they may have 10, 20 or 30 per cent of the vote. Anyone can claim 99 per cent popularity. When the ban on parties is lifted (in Tunisia) only then can we can judge the success and failure of parties or the extent of their popularity.
I could tell you that we are very popular, but how would you believe that? There are new generations now who have not had the opportunity to be familiar with Nahda and nor does Nahda know them. We have not had the opportunity to address or influence them.
We expect that many still remember us. The crackdown on Nahda was very severe, and there is not a family in Tunisia who hasn’t had one of its members because of association with Nahda, imprisoned, lost their jobs or been exiled (for political reasons).
One of our members was recently killed in the latest protest. He was (first) abducted, then killed.
Thirty thousand of our members and sympathisers were imprisoned in the beginning of the 90s. There was a crusade against us. Over a hundred died under torture or suffered torture in prison. While this was happening Ben Ali was receiving great support from Europe, and Tunisia was the first country of the southern Mediterranean to become a trade partner (referring to the Association Agreement) with the EU.
While torture was taking place, documented by Amnesty International and other human rights organisations, and repression was at its highest point, Europe was praising Ben Ali’s great achievement and supposed economic miracle. And European universities were awarding Ben Ali human rights awards, whilst he was slaughtering Tunisians, they were granting him honorary doctorates.
When I left Tunisia, I was prevented from entering many European counties. I had visas for France, Germany, Italy and Spain. All were cancelled when Ben Ali’s crackdown started on Nahda – except for Great Britain. And I appreciate that this country gave me refuge when all other European countries prevented me from entering their soil, not to mention all Arab countries who deported members of Nahda or handed them over to the Tunisian government.
FT: You alluded earlier to the fact that even within the October 18 movement, with fellow Tunisians from other parties, that, as an Islamist you had to make your position clear on a number of issues preemptively in order to be accepted as a legitimate member of the movement. Do you worry that an Islamist component within the unity government might harm Tunisian’s external relations, particularly with the EU?
RG: Well I don’t accuse the EU of not putting pressure on Ben Ali for repressing Nahda. Ben Ali was very keen to repress us not because we were religious or an Islamist party but because we represented a powerful opposition to his system.
Habib Bourguiba (the country’s first post-independence President, later deposed in 1987 by Ben Ali in a coup d’état) and Ben Ali’s regime, under them, Nahda members were not the first to occupy their prisons. In the 50s prisons were filled with Youssefites (political activists loyal to Salah Ben Youssef, a senior official who broke away from Bourguiba’s ruling Constitutional Party); in the 60s it was the Leftists; in the 70s it was the trade unions; and in the 80s it was our turn to replace them under this regime, which represses anyone who represents a credible opposition.
We do not hold the EU responsible for Ben Ali’s repression; Ben Ali repressed anyone who opposed him. But Europe did not oppose or criticise this repression. The EU accepted Ben Ali as a partner and while the EU-Tunisia trade agreement has an economic aspect with human rights and political clauses that require those in charge of government to protect human rights, democracy.
This human rights aspect was put aside and Ben Ali was accepted whilst he was involved in using the most severe violence against Tunisians, falsifying elections, winning by 99 per cent of the vote and Europe was silent. Why? Because Ben Ali presented himself to Europe saying that we are in one battle, we are (his regime) against fundamentalism, we have a common enemy, we are part of the war in terror.
While Ben Ali has in fact been a great source of terrorism. When Nahda was in Tunisia, functioning inside Tunisia there was no al-Qaeda and there were no violent acts, whereas now there are hundreds of Tunisian youths who are involved in fighting in Iraq, Somalia and Afghanistan due to not having the opportunity to be familiar with a moderate Islamic movement and have been influenced by al-Qaeda’s ideology.
Ben Ali sold himself to Europe saying support me and I will be a barrier to terrorism when in fact he has been the greatest source and exporter of terrorism to Europe.
FT: Are you really going back? You have been saying you are returning so when do you expect to be in Tunisia?
RG: I decided to return because the cause for which I left Tunisia has now disappeared. I was sentenced to life imprisonment (three life sentences, when one would have been enough), and I did not accept to spend the rest of my life in prison. I had to defend my right to freedom.
Now Ben Ali has gone, the natural state is for me to be inside the country, to be involved. The dictator has fallen, but the dictatorship is still there. I wish to be involved in contributing alongside others to the dismantling of the dictatorship and to help in the process of taking Tunisia from the dictatorial system to a democratic one. To help in these efforts to take Tunisia though this transitional process.
We’ll go back to organising ourselves and contribute to the education of the new generation through our moderate, democratic thought.
Our thought is similar to that of the AKP (Justice and Development Party) in Turkey, currently in government. Indeed my books have almost all been translated into Turkish and are widely read there.
However I have no political aspirations myself, neither for standing as a minister, for parliament or president. Some are presenting me as a Khomeini who will return to Tunisia – I am no Khomeini.
The natural state is for me to be in Tunisia. As for the timing I have left this for my brothers, members of the Nahda have been informed of my intention and desire to go back, and arrangements have been left with them to prepare. Indeed the day they say ‘come’, I will go back.
My age does not allow me to consider such aspirations. I am nearing 70 years old and there are new generations inside Nahda more able, more suited to political activism. I intend to concentrate my contribution to the development of Islamic thought and my involvement in the causes of the Muslim world, and I hope to dedicate the rest of my life for working towards these endeavors.
Tunisa is one part of the Muslim world, and it will be one among my many duties and interests.
FT: You cited Nahda as being similar in some respects to the progressive AKP party in Turkey. If you were to look at Nahda within the spectrum of other regional Islamist movements and parties, how far are you from the Ikhwan (Muslim Brotherhood)?
RG: (When I first came to the UK) I gave a lecture Manchester University in which I said democracy should not exclude communists. At the time this was rejected strongly by Islamists who saw it as accepting atheism. I said that it is not ethical for us to call on a secular government to accept us, while once we get to power we will eradicate them. We should treat people like-for-like. As the Prophet Muhammad said, one should wish for his brother what he wishes for oneself. And Kant said you should use your behaviour as your base for treating the rest of humanity.
At the time this was alien to political thought (among UK-exiled Arab Islamists) and I was described as a secularist and part of a secularist movement because I called for democracy that does not exclude anyone.
Indeed since our first statement, our founding statement on 5 June 1981, journalists have asked me: if the Tunisian people elected communists would you accept that?
I answered that if the Tunisian people do that then I would respect the will of the Tunisian people and I’ll then address them to convince them that this is not right and when there are elections, the elections will tell whether we managed to convince them.
And from 1981 to this day, there have been many changes to the Muslim world, democratic thought has spread and Islamists have realised the danger of dictatorships, and the benefits of democracy. And they have also realised the harm of Islamic regimes that are not democratic such as the model seen in Afghanistan under the Taliban and Islamist Sudan.
I believe that my thoughts, these ideas have been adopted by the mainstream of the Islamic movements. For instance, the Ikhwan, the largest Islamic movement, have accepted democratic principles and they have since issued many papers on the principles of pluralism and political participation of women. In the latest political programme of the Muslim Brotherhood (of Egypt) they have adopted these ideas although there remains some reservation on women as the head of state and on non-Muslim heads of state, Coptic Christians for instance, and where scholars oversee the legislative process. I openly criticised this stance on television and also in an article on Al-Jazeera in which I said that we should embrace the principles of citizenship as the basis for running the state. And since women and Coptic Christians are citizens they have the right to run for any position and there should be no overseeing of the legislative process by scholars.
In addition I should also actually add that this project published by the Muslim Brotherhood (of Egypt) was circulated for general discussion, it was not final. When they met with internal opposition they realised the error in this. Especially after the latest events in Egypt, many such as Ibrahim Munir (Secretary General of the International Organisation of the Muslim Brotherhood) have stated that they do not oppose the standing of Coptic Christians for head of state and have retracted their previous statement. This would otherwise undermine national unity, so we see a gradual development taking place. So we see a gradual evolution, we (Nadha) drank the cup of democracy in one gulp back in the 1980s while other Islamists have taken it sip by sip.
FT: Do Tunisians feel betrayed by their European neighbours in terms of allowing Ben Ali to continue his regime? And do you feel Tunisia’s relations are overly reliant politically and economically on the EU? If so, should Tunisia rebalance its relationships more towards the East, like Turkey have done?
RG: Europe has the right to seek its interests, we are not opposed to that. We do not teach them where their interests are, they know where their interests lie. The EU states have supported Ben Ali for their own interests, but now realise that it was short-sighted and at the expense of principles and ethics.
We believe in the interests can be sought while respecting ethics that there is no contradiction between ethics and interests.
The dictators should realise that they are supported when they are strong but abandoned when they fall .... As we saw, France supported Ben Ali but when he fell they united against him. Ben Ali’s plane was not allowed to land in Paris.
However Britain and France have been positive on the whole from the beginning of these events. They recognise the right of the Tunisian people to democracy and freedom...and other countries also eventually expressed this, including the United States.
It is the Arab world that expresses displeasure and concern, worrying that the flames will spread. Although we try to reassure them that each county has its own condition, but they still seem fearful. It seems that we have not yet exceeded to expel that fear.
The dictators are supported by the West but once they lose the trust of the people they will be abandoned by the West. But dictators are foolish and they only realise that too late and they did not read history...including very recent history. The Shah of Iran upon expulsion flew around the world (looking for assistance upon fleeing Tehran in 1979), but no one accepted him.
Regarding the relations with Europe, the departure of Ben Ali did not end the relations with the Europe Union. Such relations are not decided by which government is in power but by geography.
The EU and North Africa has had strong relations before and after Ben Ali. They are our near neighbours and always had strong relations of trade and culture between the North and South of the Mediterranean. In the era of the Romans, the Carthaginians and in the Islamic era, the relationship with Europe is not linked with any particular individual. On a clear night in fact one can see from the Tunisian coast the lights of Europe.
The demand of nationalist forces in Tunisia does not put an end to relations with Europe but a balance. Relations (must be) built on mutual respect and based on equality, and relations that are not at the expense of the wealth of the people, (or their) freedom and dignity.
Despite what I mentioned previously, Nahda greatly appreciates that several thousands of its members were accepted as political refugees in European countries – in France, Italy, Switzerland, Belgium, Holland, Britain and almost all European countries, despite great pressure from Ben Ali who claimed that these were extremists. But no European country accepted these claims....and this is an ethical stance that we appreciate.
Over 1,000 Nahda members were not only refugees but have become citizens of Europe and become involved in all aspects of life. Many are businessmen and women and are part of and participating in the wider Islamic community of Europe and are forwarding the agenda of moderation and are working against extremist ideas. So I hope we have not been a burden on Europe, that we are seen as a positive (force) living in Europe, and we have attempted to remain faithful to the contract, pact of sanctuary.
Published: January 18 2011 11:47
Last updated: January 18 2011 11:47
The Financial Times interviewed Rachid Ghannouchi, exiled leader of Tunisia’s Nahda party, in London. The interview was conducted on Sunday evening, just before a new unity government was announced in Tunis.
FT: A government is about to be formed in Tunisia following the fall of Zein al-Abidine Ben Ali. It includes parties that are there, on the ground, and you are not there. How is Nahda going to find a way to be involved on the ground?
RG: The government that is to be announced tomorrow is a continuation of the 7 November era. This is not a rupture with that era. The revolution wanted a rupture with that era. The revolution was against a dictator and the era of 7 November. But the faces we see are the same faces of the old regime with some new faces from the official opposition.
FT: How would you describe this current stage? Is it just the beginning of the end of the Ben Ali era or do you feel that perhaps the revolution is not yet completed?
RG: There are many contradictory wills within this government. Perhaps some of those participating in this process such as Najib Chebbi (opposition leader) believe that this is the path for moving from the dictatorship to a democracy. Some of the others, the ruling party and the domestic opposition see democracy as just a facade for the dictatorial system and indeed an attempt to contain the revolution.
FT: This is all new for Tunisians, the end of the Ben Ali era. How can you make a very strong break today from the system, when there is nothing to replace it? Don’t you need this type of transition period?
RG: Basing the transition on the (current) constitution to build a democratic system is a futile attempt to build democracy from dictatorship because only God can bring out life from death. We cannot bring out a democratic system out of this corrupt, dictatorial system. We have to put an end to the authoritarian system and start a new one. Basing this transition on Article 56 or 57 is a continuation of the old system. The constitution was a tyranny, the state was reduced to one man, who had in his hands the executive, judicial and legislative powers and was not accountable to anyone. How can such a constitution point towards building a democratic system, even as a starting point.
The first step of building a democratic system is to build a democratic constitution. For this we need a founding council for rebuilding the state, one in which political parties, the trade unions and the civil society join. This council will rebuild the democratic constitution and will be the basis for building the democratic system.
FT: But who will decide who takes part? Ben Ali controlled so much as you know but now that he’s gone, political parties that are there are very weak, trade unions are weak, who will bring people together?
RG: Who made this revolution? It is the people who made this revolution.This revolution was not made by an angry, out-of-control mob. There are 250, 000 university graduates who are in fact the basis for this revolution. It is not angry, uneducated people. They were the base of this revolution with their creative ways of using the internet and other media. As to the trade unions, it’s true that their leadership has been subservient (to the regime) but the regional union headquarters were the centre of the protests and they led the revolution.
The lawyers also led the main protest marches and these are important bodies which were later joined by the opposition towards the end. There are still important civil society institutions, lawyers, trade unions, political parties, the representative bodies of unemployed graduates and it is them who (could potentially) support the constitutional council. What we see is that they are not present in this (current) transition.
FT: Are you in contact with the other leaders in the opposition? Have you been consulting with them?
RG: We as a member of the October 18 movement which we founded in 2005 and it brings together parties and civil society institutions, including Nejib Chebbi from the Progressive Democratic Party, the Tunisian Communist Workers Party, and the Conference for the Republic and other human rights organisations. This was founded in 2005 for one simple demand: to call for freedom of expression and association for everyone and for recognising the rights of all parties.
Later when we developed this coalition, to elaborate this joint intellectual basis we produced several papers which all members of this movement agree on and embrace. The first was a paper on philosophical pluralism. There is no limit to pluralism except not embracing violence, and giving the rights to anyone to found the party.
The second was the rights of women because the government used to always say to frighten people away that (the Islamists) will take away the rights of women. Then we had to reassure others in this coalition who were being accused of working with the Islamists. And we all recognise, we accept the personal status code and will not cancel it or refuse it. Indeed we had expressed this since 1988 on 17 July where I made a statement in which I recognised the personal status code.
Another paper was on the freedom of conscience, to address the allegations that Islamists will be using the punishment for apostasy and will kill people for what they believe. The paper recognised that Tunisians have the freedom to believe in anything, to leave or embrace any faith, as faith is a personal matter. On the basis of these papers the coalition moved from no longer being a short-term political coalition, but a social project for society.
For the Tunisia that we are working for, one in which women enjoy equality, people can establish and join any party and they have the freedom to believe any faith.
FT: Have you been talking to some of the leaders over the past two days? Is there any coordination?
RG: Yes we are in communication with members of this coalition…. However with the recent developments in the county, differences have appeared between members of the coalition, in their evaluation of the situation. In that Nejib Chebbi two days before the fall of Ben Ali met with the former prime minister, who is indeed has been currently re-installed as the interim prime minister. This was Ben Ali’s last trick to try to remain in power, to call for forming a national unity government. So indeed what we see now, this national unity government, was planned by Ben Ali. Chebbi agreed to meet the Prime Minister, (others) rejected this.
FT: What is the representation of Nahda today in Tunisia? It was a long time ago that you were there...do you think people are still attached to Nahda?
RG: Only elections can reveal that. In the West the popularity of a party is judged through elections – they may have 10, 20 or 30 per cent of the vote. Anyone can claim 99 per cent popularity. When the ban on parties is lifted (in Tunisia) only then can we can judge the success and failure of parties or the extent of their popularity.
I could tell you that we are very popular, but how would you believe that? There are new generations now who have not had the opportunity to be familiar with Nahda and nor does Nahda know them. We have not had the opportunity to address or influence them.
We expect that many still remember us. The crackdown on Nahda was very severe, and there is not a family in Tunisia who hasn’t had one of its members because of association with Nahda, imprisoned, lost their jobs or been exiled (for political reasons).
One of our members was recently killed in the latest protest. He was (first) abducted, then killed.
Thirty thousand of our members and sympathisers were imprisoned in the beginning of the 90s. There was a crusade against us. Over a hundred died under torture or suffered torture in prison. While this was happening Ben Ali was receiving great support from Europe, and Tunisia was the first country of the southern Mediterranean to become a trade partner (referring to the Association Agreement) with the EU.
While torture was taking place, documented by Amnesty International and other human rights organisations, and repression was at its highest point, Europe was praising Ben Ali’s great achievement and supposed economic miracle. And European universities were awarding Ben Ali human rights awards, whilst he was slaughtering Tunisians, they were granting him honorary doctorates.
When I left Tunisia, I was prevented from entering many European counties. I had visas for France, Germany, Italy and Spain. All were cancelled when Ben Ali’s crackdown started on Nahda – except for Great Britain. And I appreciate that this country gave me refuge when all other European countries prevented me from entering their soil, not to mention all Arab countries who deported members of Nahda or handed them over to the Tunisian government.
FT: You alluded earlier to the fact that even within the October 18 movement, with fellow Tunisians from other parties, that, as an Islamist you had to make your position clear on a number of issues preemptively in order to be accepted as a legitimate member of the movement. Do you worry that an Islamist component within the unity government might harm Tunisian’s external relations, particularly with the EU?
RG: Well I don’t accuse the EU of not putting pressure on Ben Ali for repressing Nahda. Ben Ali was very keen to repress us not because we were religious or an Islamist party but because we represented a powerful opposition to his system.
Habib Bourguiba (the country’s first post-independence President, later deposed in 1987 by Ben Ali in a coup d’état) and Ben Ali’s regime, under them, Nahda members were not the first to occupy their prisons. In the 50s prisons were filled with Youssefites (political activists loyal to Salah Ben Youssef, a senior official who broke away from Bourguiba’s ruling Constitutional Party); in the 60s it was the Leftists; in the 70s it was the trade unions; and in the 80s it was our turn to replace them under this regime, which represses anyone who represents a credible opposition.
We do not hold the EU responsible for Ben Ali’s repression; Ben Ali repressed anyone who opposed him. But Europe did not oppose or criticise this repression. The EU accepted Ben Ali as a partner and while the EU-Tunisia trade agreement has an economic aspect with human rights and political clauses that require those in charge of government to protect human rights, democracy.
This human rights aspect was put aside and Ben Ali was accepted whilst he was involved in using the most severe violence against Tunisians, falsifying elections, winning by 99 per cent of the vote and Europe was silent. Why? Because Ben Ali presented himself to Europe saying that we are in one battle, we are (his regime) against fundamentalism, we have a common enemy, we are part of the war in terror.
While Ben Ali has in fact been a great source of terrorism. When Nahda was in Tunisia, functioning inside Tunisia there was no al-Qaeda and there were no violent acts, whereas now there are hundreds of Tunisian youths who are involved in fighting in Iraq, Somalia and Afghanistan due to not having the opportunity to be familiar with a moderate Islamic movement and have been influenced by al-Qaeda’s ideology.
Ben Ali sold himself to Europe saying support me and I will be a barrier to terrorism when in fact he has been the greatest source and exporter of terrorism to Europe.
FT: Are you really going back? You have been saying you are returning so when do you expect to be in Tunisia?
RG: I decided to return because the cause for which I left Tunisia has now disappeared. I was sentenced to life imprisonment (three life sentences, when one would have been enough), and I did not accept to spend the rest of my life in prison. I had to defend my right to freedom.
Now Ben Ali has gone, the natural state is for me to be inside the country, to be involved. The dictator has fallen, but the dictatorship is still there. I wish to be involved in contributing alongside others to the dismantling of the dictatorship and to help in the process of taking Tunisia from the dictatorial system to a democratic one. To help in these efforts to take Tunisia though this transitional process.
We’ll go back to organising ourselves and contribute to the education of the new generation through our moderate, democratic thought.
Our thought is similar to that of the AKP (Justice and Development Party) in Turkey, currently in government. Indeed my books have almost all been translated into Turkish and are widely read there.
However I have no political aspirations myself, neither for standing as a minister, for parliament or president. Some are presenting me as a Khomeini who will return to Tunisia – I am no Khomeini.
The natural state is for me to be in Tunisia. As for the timing I have left this for my brothers, members of the Nahda have been informed of my intention and desire to go back, and arrangements have been left with them to prepare. Indeed the day they say ‘come’, I will go back.
My age does not allow me to consider such aspirations. I am nearing 70 years old and there are new generations inside Nahda more able, more suited to political activism. I intend to concentrate my contribution to the development of Islamic thought and my involvement in the causes of the Muslim world, and I hope to dedicate the rest of my life for working towards these endeavors.
Tunisa is one part of the Muslim world, and it will be one among my many duties and interests.
FT: You cited Nahda as being similar in some respects to the progressive AKP party in Turkey. If you were to look at Nahda within the spectrum of other regional Islamist movements and parties, how far are you from the Ikhwan (Muslim Brotherhood)?
RG: (When I first came to the UK) I gave a lecture Manchester University in which I said democracy should not exclude communists. At the time this was rejected strongly by Islamists who saw it as accepting atheism. I said that it is not ethical for us to call on a secular government to accept us, while once we get to power we will eradicate them. We should treat people like-for-like. As the Prophet Muhammad said, one should wish for his brother what he wishes for oneself. And Kant said you should use your behaviour as your base for treating the rest of humanity.
At the time this was alien to political thought (among UK-exiled Arab Islamists) and I was described as a secularist and part of a secularist movement because I called for democracy that does not exclude anyone.
Indeed since our first statement, our founding statement on 5 June 1981, journalists have asked me: if the Tunisian people elected communists would you accept that?
I answered that if the Tunisian people do that then I would respect the will of the Tunisian people and I’ll then address them to convince them that this is not right and when there are elections, the elections will tell whether we managed to convince them.
And from 1981 to this day, there have been many changes to the Muslim world, democratic thought has spread and Islamists have realised the danger of dictatorships, and the benefits of democracy. And they have also realised the harm of Islamic regimes that are not democratic such as the model seen in Afghanistan under the Taliban and Islamist Sudan.
I believe that my thoughts, these ideas have been adopted by the mainstream of the Islamic movements. For instance, the Ikhwan, the largest Islamic movement, have accepted democratic principles and they have since issued many papers on the principles of pluralism and political participation of women. In the latest political programme of the Muslim Brotherhood (of Egypt) they have adopted these ideas although there remains some reservation on women as the head of state and on non-Muslim heads of state, Coptic Christians for instance, and where scholars oversee the legislative process. I openly criticised this stance on television and also in an article on Al-Jazeera in which I said that we should embrace the principles of citizenship as the basis for running the state. And since women and Coptic Christians are citizens they have the right to run for any position and there should be no overseeing of the legislative process by scholars.
In addition I should also actually add that this project published by the Muslim Brotherhood (of Egypt) was circulated for general discussion, it was not final. When they met with internal opposition they realised the error in this. Especially after the latest events in Egypt, many such as Ibrahim Munir (Secretary General of the International Organisation of the Muslim Brotherhood) have stated that they do not oppose the standing of Coptic Christians for head of state and have retracted their previous statement. This would otherwise undermine national unity, so we see a gradual development taking place. So we see a gradual evolution, we (Nadha) drank the cup of democracy in one gulp back in the 1980s while other Islamists have taken it sip by sip.
FT: Do Tunisians feel betrayed by their European neighbours in terms of allowing Ben Ali to continue his regime? And do you feel Tunisia’s relations are overly reliant politically and economically on the EU? If so, should Tunisia rebalance its relationships more towards the East, like Turkey have done?
RG: Europe has the right to seek its interests, we are not opposed to that. We do not teach them where their interests are, they know where their interests lie. The EU states have supported Ben Ali for their own interests, but now realise that it was short-sighted and at the expense of principles and ethics.
We believe in the interests can be sought while respecting ethics that there is no contradiction between ethics and interests.
The dictators should realise that they are supported when they are strong but abandoned when they fall .... As we saw, France supported Ben Ali but when he fell they united against him. Ben Ali’s plane was not allowed to land in Paris.
However Britain and France have been positive on the whole from the beginning of these events. They recognise the right of the Tunisian people to democracy and freedom...and other countries also eventually expressed this, including the United States.
It is the Arab world that expresses displeasure and concern, worrying that the flames will spread. Although we try to reassure them that each county has its own condition, but they still seem fearful. It seems that we have not yet exceeded to expel that fear.
The dictators are supported by the West but once they lose the trust of the people they will be abandoned by the West. But dictators are foolish and they only realise that too late and they did not read history...including very recent history. The Shah of Iran upon expulsion flew around the world (looking for assistance upon fleeing Tehran in 1979), but no one accepted him.
Regarding the relations with Europe, the departure of Ben Ali did not end the relations with the Europe Union. Such relations are not decided by which government is in power but by geography.
The EU and North Africa has had strong relations before and after Ben Ali. They are our near neighbours and always had strong relations of trade and culture between the North and South of the Mediterranean. In the era of the Romans, the Carthaginians and in the Islamic era, the relationship with Europe is not linked with any particular individual. On a clear night in fact one can see from the Tunisian coast the lights of Europe.
The demand of nationalist forces in Tunisia does not put an end to relations with Europe but a balance. Relations (must be) built on mutual respect and based on equality, and relations that are not at the expense of the wealth of the people, (or their) freedom and dignity.
Despite what I mentioned previously, Nahda greatly appreciates that several thousands of its members were accepted as political refugees in European countries – in France, Italy, Switzerland, Belgium, Holland, Britain and almost all European countries, despite great pressure from Ben Ali who claimed that these were extremists. But no European country accepted these claims....and this is an ethical stance that we appreciate.
Over 1,000 Nahda members were not only refugees but have become citizens of Europe and become involved in all aspects of life. Many are businessmen and women and are part of and participating in the wider Islamic community of Europe and are forwarding the agenda of moderation and are working against extremist ideas. So I hope we have not been a burden on Europe, that we are seen as a positive (force) living in Europe, and we have attempted to remain faithful to the contract, pact of sanctuary.
3.12.10
Civil War amongst Muslims in uk due to prevent malarkey: hmmm
Shayk Micheal Mumisa writes in the Independent. Sectarianism hasnt really been a problem ive faced in life, but at certain levels of institutions I guess it hurts. Its sad, really sad how many organisations have taken prevent money. Its harmed them and made me feel distant from them, even if i love them.
I guess old tensions have created the conditions for opportunistic extremism pointing. The salafis have suffered injustices from the lips of 'Sufis'. A vivid example of extremism pointing was the shooting of Abdul Kahar, someone had a grudge, and decided that it would be a good idea to translate the grudge with the logic of the twisted west's war on 'terror'.
Maybe the Prevent programme and the imaginary war against terror has been purifying for the ummah. We see who dances to imperialism's tune and we discard them from our future. We also see who is brave enough to look at the issues from our own frames of reference with autonomy and oomph. History has been made.
Sectarianism hasnt been a part of my life perhaps because im Bengali and Sunni, we have little history with barelvi/deobandi fault lines, nor a particularly clear shia/sunni identity politics. Of course we have our own specifically stupid fault lines which are routinely massaged with salt by blue meanies. But religiously its not really affected me as I've grown up in a polycultural reality and aim for intra ummahtic interoperation and formal institutional evasion.
I am heartened by the growing realisation amongst the Islamically Moved of today that financial inducements from the state will not earn you any kudos or legitimacy within the ummahstructure, nor will they essentiall achieve anything.
I guess old tensions have created the conditions for opportunistic extremism pointing. The salafis have suffered injustices from the lips of 'Sufis'. A vivid example of extremism pointing was the shooting of Abdul Kahar, someone had a grudge, and decided that it would be a good idea to translate the grudge with the logic of the twisted west's war on 'terror'.
Maybe the Prevent programme and the imaginary war against terror has been purifying for the ummah. We see who dances to imperialism's tune and we discard them from our future. We also see who is brave enough to look at the issues from our own frames of reference with autonomy and oomph. History has been made.
Sectarianism hasnt been a part of my life perhaps because im Bengali and Sunni, we have little history with barelvi/deobandi fault lines, nor a particularly clear shia/sunni identity politics. Of course we have our own specifically stupid fault lines which are routinely massaged with salt by blue meanies. But religiously its not really affected me as I've grown up in a polycultural reality and aim for intra ummahtic interoperation and formal institutional evasion.
I am heartened by the growing realisation amongst the Islamically Moved of today that financial inducements from the state will not earn you any kudos or legitimacy within the ummahstructure, nor will they essentiall achieve anything.
20.10.10
Transformative islah
It was ummatography in fallible human action. Ex-isocers with longitude, creating a space for intra-community dialogue, with Tariq Ramadan and Haytham Haddad the two discussants and the Greek tortoise trying his best to best them into clarity.
It was generally a light touch grounded sahaba massive type audience, evenly split between the genders with the boys on the hairier side. A very different crowd from the Oxford event where Tariq Ramadan was twinned with Hamza Yusuf.
Will add to this post later when I am not sitting in the dark, but it was an odd experience for me, meeting old acquaintances, remembering thought patterns that possibly predominate in the real community and generally being frustrated with where everyone is at. TR makes more sense in this situation. CRG even more so.
Was proud that these guys are community funded, good for their sustainability and iA the fulfillment of their desired goals.
It was generally a light touch grounded sahaba massive type audience, evenly split between the genders with the boys on the hairier side. A very different crowd from the Oxford event where Tariq Ramadan was twinned with Hamza Yusuf.
Will add to this post later when I am not sitting in the dark, but it was an odd experience for me, meeting old acquaintances, remembering thought patterns that possibly predominate in the real community and generally being frustrated with where everyone is at. TR makes more sense in this situation. CRG even more so.
Was proud that these guys are community funded, good for their sustainability and iA the fulfillment of their desired goals.
7.7.10
Intra-Ummatics
In the rush to talk to government the umbrella organisation seems to have skipped over something far more interesting than talking to technocratic white men, that is weaving the ummatic mosaic together. What I mean is that basic stuff which you'd have thought forged the basis of an Ummahtic MoU.
The shared university experience has gone some way as to recosmopolitanising the musalman, but onlyamongst the few who got there.
Guys, find the way and the time, despite working life.
The shared university experience has gone some way as to recosmopolitanising the musalman, but onlyamongst the few who got there.
Guys, find the way and the time, despite working life.
6.9.09
Neoliberalisation of Muslim reproduction
I pray for you
a fug smugly inclined
I'm feeling your juggling's
been stealing our time
Neoliberalised reproduction
of culture and race
May our Maker award us
good fortune and grace.
PVE has nothing
on this mad distraction,
from challenging falsehood
with revolutionary action
Litter the ummah
with exes declined
and see our new culture
run jilted and blind
a fug smugly inclined
I'm feeling your juggling's
been stealing our time
Neoliberalised reproduction
of culture and race
May our Maker award us
good fortune and grace.
PVE has nothing
on this mad distraction,
from challenging falsehood
with revolutionary action
Litter the ummah
with exes declined
and see our new culture
run jilted and blind
17.9.07
New Word - Ummatantrik
Alternative spellings - Oummatantrique (Francophonically colonised Ummah), Woma tantric (Nigeria), u ma tan trik-la (malay)....
An Islamophylic consensus that assigns the body of Muslim believers and their advancement an essential value. A value which it is assigned in Islamic scripture and developed through centuries of diverse lived experience, principle and thought. An aspiration affirmed every time someone raises there hands to God and pleads with a dua like 'Allahumma ansuril ikhwana al muslimina fi kulli makkan, fi kulli zaman'.
A value that is dishonoured every time a British Muslim starts peddling Ummah Caramel bars, when an American Muslim posts preachy parochial youtube videos of limited humour under the identity of Ummah Films or when a doubter contends that there is no such thing as the Ummah because the world is pretty screwed up and the allegedly religious do nasty things. A value which is sullied everytime a nutjob does something awful in the name of upholding its dignity.
Not to be confused with nepotism, 'petroislam', naive islamism, religious nationalism, Khalafism or the abdication of rationality from any given action scenario.
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